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THE (UllCAGO PLATFORM, 

NfcCLELLAN'S LETTER OF AOCEPTANOE, 
And PENTDLETON'S HASKIN" LETTER. 

Reviewed & Exposed 

A SPEECH DELIVERED 

By ABRAM WAKEMAN, of New-York, 

AT GREENFIELD HILL, CONN., NOV. 3, 1864. 

Mil. W.vKEMAN" WHS received with applause, and said : 

L.vDiEs AND Gei^-ti.kmen : I thnuk you most heartily for your kind recep- 
tion, and I think I can repay it best by proceeding at once to the subject I 
propose to take in hand. That will be to find out the real meaning of the 
Chicago Platfovra, ^TcOlellan's L otter of .\oceptance. nnd Pendleton's Haskiii 
I;etter. 

The n6(^(^Hsity of doing this appear.'; from the 

Importance of Political Pahtles. 

We are told that in our country the people rule, but the more practical and 
important truth is that they rule only by political Parties. The party that 
has the majority at a Presidential Election governs for the next fovir years, and 
oannot be changed. In England the Executive is dependent upon the House 
of Commons, and must resign as soon as it looses its majority there. Our 
President is fixed in his term of office, and is independent of Congress — nay, 
unless it have a majority of two-thirds against him, he can control it by hia 
veto. But there is one thing that he cannot control — one thing that dictates 
his measures, his appointments, and makes him all that he is — that is, his 
political party. Upon that he must rely or have no support at all. 

The Nominee that kicks the Platform of his Party from under him must 
fall from want of support as soon as he reaches the realities of goveranient ; 
he cannot hold himself up by his own waist-band in politics any more than ho 
could in the circus. 



^^5% ■ 
- ft 

.John lyler, you remember, made the attempt, and it nearly convulsed tlio 
country in times of profound peace. -Instead of being the powerful and re- 
spected "Tyler too" that he was when elected, his position became so ridi- 
culous and impotent that it is certain he will never have an imitator. 

We cannot but see, then, that the personal claims or merits of candidateR, 
and our preferences for, or prejudices against them, are of little moment. Our 
country's fate depends upon the policy, principles and instincts of the parti/ 
that will cor.trol it for the next four years. Tl if oin- mui, fry's fvlvr*' and twl 
men tluit ice are elcrAing ! 

The Principles and Policy of the so-called Democratic Party were in grand 
National Convention, August 30, 1864, unanimously embodied in the Chicago 
Platform. Mr. Vallandigham was the active man of the Committee that 
framed it, and he it was w^ho moved that Gen. McClellan be unanimously 
placed upon it as their and its candidate — to execiite it if elected. 

It is oiar duty, then, to scan this Platform closely. It was buiJt by astute 
lawyers and politicians, who weighed and measured everj' word. It is the in- 
dictment of the Convention against President Lincoln's Administration. But 
above all, if adopted, it will be the future histoiy of our country. It is the 
chart by which their party proposes to steer our noble old ship of State 
through the storms and breakers of civil war. 

Let Tis, then, turn up each of its six planks and se<' if its timber will stand 
the fearful test. 

Tku Fir.»T Pi.A.NR i> Tins; 

Resolved, That in the future, as in the jiast, wt? will udJi"re with unswerving 
fidelity to the Union under the Consiliidion, * » * » 

* ' * * * * * as the only .solid foundation of 

our strength, security, and happiness as a people, and as a frameicork of goi- 
ernnient equally conducive to the welfare and prosperity of all the Stales, both 
Northern and tiouthern. 

If they have the same imderstandiug of words that the loyal peojile and 
democracy have, there would seem to be nothing objectionable in this plank. 
Hut notice, they only say, ' ' ice iiill adhere. " The Southern half of the 9«-called 
Democratic party refused to "adhere." Does the portion of the party now in 
the loyal States propose to compel them to submit to the constitution as it is ? 

The history of the plank throws light on this question. It was offered in 
their full Convention by Ex-Gov. "Washington Hunt, of this State, an old line 
whig, who it .seems was there pliiying the part of the goose among cranes, 
and very soon was he stripped of his patriotic feathew. As he offered the 
resolution it read, "Union and Constitution and ins'ist on maintaining the 
national unity," <t"c. The resolution with these invaluable words in it was 
referred to the Committee on the Platform. Neither grammar nor stylo 
required these words to be changed, but the word "ancZ"was changed to 
•' under," and the whole clause ''insisting upon maintaining the national unity," 
icas sirickeyi out, and THEX it was adopted by the Convention and is their 
Ih-st plank. 



8 

Why was this patriotic chinse stricken out ? The "notional unity " is the very 
point ill issue between tis aud Rebels in arms. Tliese Rebels are principally 
Soiithern Democrats, who refused to "adhere" to the Constitution, and are 
now making desperate efforts to destroy it by arms. Why is it that their 
old political associates refuse to insist upon maintaining the national unity * 

Do not these people propose to sit still and "adhere with unswerving 
fidelity" to the ship tliat floats them, while rebel pirates sciittle and soud her 
adrift V 

AMij', then, do the Convention use the woi-d " adhere," why change " Union 
and the Constitution " to "Union under the Constitution "—why speak of " the 
u eifare and prosperity of all the Siatrs, both Northern and Sontliem ?" — why 
strike oid the claus'e to " maintain the national unity ? 

It is becan.se th<^y have adopted the rebel th^'iri/ of the '■onstitMllon .' What that is 
will appear from a mome)it's glance at 

TllK TlU-K ThKOISY or 01;R (ioVF.RNMKVr. 

Tin; old and true doctrine was and is, that the Constitution of the United 
St^itcs is the CHARTER by which THE PEOPLE formed and ordained a 
Xational Gowmment, to which, evei-y man, woman* and child owes allegiance. 
T'hat the laws and treaties made in pursuance thereof are paramount to, and 
above, all state ctmstitutions and laws. This national Constitution binds to- 
gether indissolubly the people individually, and also the states, both having 
joined to form it and give it life. No individual, nor state, nor number of indi- 
viduals, acting as a state legisladire or convention can break the govern- 
mental bond thus entered into, or absolve the allegiance of any person or 
state from this national government— called the "United States of America. " 
The States exorcise all the functions of government not jDrovided for in the 
Constitution, particularly functions relating to local or domestic affairs. 

The President is required by his oath of office to protect and defend the 
Constitution of the United States. He has under him for this purpose an 
army and navy, and is expressly empowered to put down insurrections aud 
rebellions. 

This national government is Republican in form, and by the Constitution 
is made to guarantee a Republican form of government to each state ; and in 
time of peace, to protect every indi%-idual in his life, liberty and property, 
t'xccpt when arrested for crime. 

This is the most poi^fect govevnin^rit the hnman race has ever yet achieved. 
It rests on three fii'm pillars. 

1. DEMOCRACY, securing individual liberty and equality before the law. 

2. REPI'BLICANISM, t(y which the citizens frame and administer their 
i.>\vu government and laws in state and nation. 

3. A N.vTiONAL GovEr.xiiKXT of unity and slrengih, protecting the liberty and 
democracy of the people and guaranteeing the Republicanism of the states 
against foreign nations and rebels and traitors at home. 



History shows us goveiiimeuts, in all ages, -reiiitiug upon cue or tlie other 
of these pillars, but never before were they made to stand together as th<> 
supports of one Grand Bepuhlic securing individual liberty — a goverament by 
the people, and a Union of national power superior to the mightiest mon- 
archy. But this is not all. It is capable of unlimited extension. Its states 
controlling local affairs, and the national government binding them and their 
people into one nation — the more it includes, the stronger it is. Unlike the 
Roman empire, it may be safely extended — by annexation of states, without 
breaking, until it includes all the people of this continent, and perhaps, in 
future ages, all the people of the whole world ! 

Time reserved the founding of this magnificent strnc.ture for a n(nv hemi- 
sphere, and a people selected from all n.ations. 

God grant that the crime of lotting it fitU to pieces uuA' not rest upon us I 

TuE Kkp.f.t. ok ('hicaco Thkoky of oru Govkkn.me^'t * 

is told in a few words. 

The southern colonies, unlike the northern, were settled by aristocrats, ad- 
venturers and convicts. Neither of these classes woiild work if they could 
help it. Those that could, therefore, procured slaves. As the country 
grew, slavery grew, and those who held slaves became the aristocrats. The 
first result was that all true democracy, all free labor, all equality among 
the people vanished. The states then changed from republics to oligarchies, 
controlled by slave-owners. The non-slaveholders being the dependents 
of, and voters for, the oligarchs. 

Thus democracy and republicanism were d(-stroyed. The next attack was 
upon the " national unity." They controlled the slave states. States rights 
were, therefore, the only political power they could make the basis of their 
movement. Calhoun was their leader. Seizing upon some loose expressions 
in the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798, and wi-esting them from 
the meaning affixed to them by Madison, their author, Calhoun asserted that 
the States still re}iiained soverei'jn and independent That the constitution was 
only a compact or treaty between them, by which they delegated certain du- 
ties to a general government, which was the creature and agent of the states, 
^ and from which they might secede at will. 

The Slates thus formed a ' ' Union under the Constitution. " They denied 
that the people by the Constitution fovmed "the Union" as a national govern- 
ment, binding alike on the people and the states. 

The slavery-based aristocracy made their first attack under this theory in 
South Carolina, in 1833, under Calhoun, for the pui-pose of nullifying the 
tariff. 

President Jackson expressed his determination to hang Calhoun upon the 
first overt act. Would that he had ! Who can estimate the blood, the suffer- 
ing, and treasure it would have saved ul ? 

Henry Clay, unfortunately, stepped in with a compromise, and the glo 
rious opportunity of crushing the monster Secession in its infancy was lost. 



Both Jackson and Webster regretted that the po-,ver of the government was 
not then bronght to a test and \nndicated. The conspirator Calhoun was 
baffled, not defeated. He and the Southern aristocracy commenced to edu- 
cate the Southern youth and the Democratic party of the whole Union. He 
was successful at the South and partially so at the North. The changes were 
nmg first on the Resolutions of '98, then on State Rights, then on St\tk 
So%-EREiGNTT, then on the eight or Secession, until the pillar of National 
iTNiTY was undermined and ready to fall. His political descendants at the 
Charleston Convention pui-posely broke up the Democratic party, in order 
that a pretext might be had in the election of President Lincoln, and then 
the rebellion threw off disguise and took up arms. 

Now, when you see men decline to pledge themselves " to maintain the 
National unity," and htur them talk of "adhering" to a ■'JJniominder the 
Constitution," and when they say nothing about our national glory and pros- 
perity, but are careful and jealous of the " welfare of the States Northern and 
Southern." You may judge at once by these stray feathers what bird they 
follow. You may be sure it is not our National American Eagle, but that low 
nauseous Southern turkey buzzard Secession. Not insist upon the national 
unity ! Ah, my friends, tliis first plank won't do. It is fatally defective— 
dry-rotted to the very centre ! 

Put this plank beside the first plank of the Baltimore Platform on which 
Abtabam Lincoln stands firm and square, and mark the contrast ! 

Bef:oli:€d, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to maintain, 
against all their enemies, the integrity of the Union, and the paramount 
auihority of the Constitution and laws of the United States ; and that laying 
aside all differences of political opinion, ice pledge oxirselves as Union men, 
nnimaied by a common sentiment, and aiming at a common object, to do ecerythivg 
in our poioer to aid tht Government in quelling, BY' FOECE OF ARMS, the rebel- 
lion now raging against its auihority, and in bringing to the punishment due to 
their crimes the rebels and traitors aiTayed against it. 

This is like a breath of pure air ; it needs no praise. Every patriot feels at 
the fii-st touch of his knuckle that this plank is sound. He knows that the 
future of our C4overnrnent built with such timber will stand the test of war 

and time. 

The Second Pl.a.nk or the Chicago Stisuctuhe is this : 
Besolved, That this Convention docs expKculy declare, as the sense of the 
American people, that, after four years of failure to restore the Union by the 
experiment of rear, during which, uiuler the pretense of a military necessity or 
w,^r power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disre- 
garded in every part, and^ublic liberty and private right alike trodden down, 
and the material Drosperity of the country essfntiallv impaired. .;'?!s-/icf, humanity, 
liberal, and the pvWr u-dfare. de^nand that IMMEDIATE EFFORTS BE MADE 
FOR A CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES, with a view to an ultimate Conven- 
tion of all the States, or other jyeaceable means, to the end that at the eaeldest 

pnACTICABLE MOMENT PEACE MAY BE EESTOEED ON THE BASIS OF THE FEDERAL 

I'NION OF THE States.' 

This resolution was written by the hand of Vallaudigham himself, and 
in style and substance it is singularly worthy of its author. 

Every patriot feels uneasy about it. 



6 

1. Notice, that this ijohole rt<sohitioii is declared " explicitb/' to be "the .<?«))..«" 
of the American People," You may say the three tailors of Toolov Htrect did no 
harm, and this in innocent enough. Not so. If the American people adopt this 
platform "as their sense" bj electing the candidates i^laced upon it. it then 
becomes their will, and must and will control the next Administration. ThDt 
is the catch in these word.s. Adopt them, and the copijerhead sends his fnnf,'s 
into the vitals of the Nation, and it never can recover from his poison. 

2. But look further, it sa3-s — " after four years of failure." False to begin 
with ! The war has not yet lasted but three years and six months. The rebels 
began the war by firing on Fort Sumter, April 13, 1861, and President Lincoln 
called for 75.000 men a few days after. Vvhat reason had that Convfention to 
say— as the sense of the American peojjle, that there will hv a failure for four' 
years, viz., until .*pril 13, 18G5? 

The -American people believe nnihiug ol' the kind. It is their ".stn.'io." 
hope and will, that the war will by th<«t time have ended the Confederacy. 
The Am''rican people will never understandingly resolve, that their armies 
have failed for four years— certainly not until the four years are up ! 

3. But has the war failed ? Its object was to compel the rebels to submit 
t-<J the Constitution and laws, and to recover the temtory jjohsessed by them 

It was a gigantic undertiiking. Our enemies in Europe said at once the 
task was beyond our strength, and exulted in the fall of the great Kepubl^o. 
But the American people rose to the height of the mighty argument. If 
they succeed in four years, as I believe they will, it will be the most glorious 
and successful war history has yet recorded. 

Why, when the rebels began the war thej' held eveiythiug south of the Ohio 
River anl the Pennsylvania line, except the City of Washington, — and that 
city their Secretary of AV'ar declared they would take within three months. 
They held the State of Missouri, running up far north of the Ohio line, and 
the whole of the vast territory south of the line of Kansas. Where are they 
now? They have lost the States of Maryland, KentucXy, Tennessee, Mis- 
Romi, Arkansas, Louisiana, Missi.s.sippi, more than half of Alabama and 
(xeorgia, all the Ten-itories, and the lost ghost of a chance of ever taking 
Washington ! 

When the rebels began the war they had seized and captured, by treacheiy, 
every fort and military post along their Atlantic seaboard, except Fortress 
Monroe ; every one on the Gulf of Mexico, and all on the Mississippi River. 
Our army and navy have taken from them every "one of these forts except 
those that protect Charleston harbor, and every seaport except that and Wil- 
mington.' Does that look like " Failukk 1 " 

When they began the war they had 1,063,850 square miles of our tenitory 
in their possession; now they have only 345,666. -Thjen they numbered 
1-2,121, 3U of inhabitants; now they number only 4,553,241. Then they 
counted four millions of slaves within their dominions. Our armies have set 
tree, or withdrawn from their coiitrol, at least half this number, and have 
shaken the accursed institution tii its vei-y foundation. Does this look like 
•'Failukk?'" 



They began (he wtir with a million of fighting men — slaves tilling their 
fiflfls, find allowing all their able-bodied whites to rally aronnd the rebel 
Kiandard. They had splendid officers, educated at our expense, troops thoi"- 
ongbly drilled in preparation for this rebellion, arms and munitions of war 
stolen from our arsenals, navy yards treacherously seized from us in which 
to fit out pirate craft to prey upon our commerce, the aid and comfort of 
foreign nations, and everything needed to enable and encourage them to wage 
a long, costly and bloody war. We have destroyed nearly every one of their, 
armies, used up the whole of their available fighting material, exhausted their 
supplies of arms and of food, captured their guns, destroyed their privateerF, 
s'ized their fortifications, dx-iven them back upon the Gulf, and brought 
Ihera at last to the very verge of militai-j' annihilation. Does this look like 
■ • Fajxuek ? " 

4. The convention next try to make the American people declare the war 
an " EXPEPJMENT." Not so at all. The rebels were in arms, and arms were 
tlie only means God and Nature had left us wherewith to save our country 
and government from total destruction, and the constitution prescribed their 
use. The only other " exi^eriment " was, to have permitted .Jefferson Davis to 
have taken Washington and instwlled himself there. In other words, to have 
allowed our (itmstitutionally elected President to be ejected by a Usm-per, and 
to have submitted to an armed despotism for the sake of peace. 

0. The convention next say, the " experiment of war " was " to restoi-e the 
Union." Not so. The Union, meaning the Government of the United States, 
has never been destroyed ; and it is the "sense of the .\merican people '" that 
it never shall be. 

But if the Union is a mere compact or league of States, by the secession 
of one State, its desti-uction is an accomplished fact— the Union is dead and 
gone. That is the reason they say ' ' restore. " That is the reason copperheads 
siiy "war is disunion." You can't coax States back by war, and thjerefokk 

IT MUST AlWAYS BE A F^VILFKE AS A 5IEAXS OF ' ' KESTOKINO " THE UnION, AND 

sFioL-LD BK STOPPED .\T oxcE. There is under this Calhoun-theory no power 
til coeVce a State. The Union is at the mercy of their choice to return. 

No defeat of the national arms could so thoroughlj- destroy the national 
Union as the adoption of this sentiment by our people. Fair words arc^ 
deceivingly used to obtain this fatal result. 

With the same meaning thej^ next aiTaign the Administration as having ' •' dis- 
regarded (he C'onsfitidion j?i every part" by ejcerciso of the war power. This is a 
kind of stump speech injected into the belly of this Resolution, and I shall 
refer to it under the 4th Eesolution, where it belongs. Benton says, President 
Jackson vetoed more than one bill for "amphibology." It is evident enough 
the so-called Democracy that adopted this Uesolution did not take their 
lesson from old Hickory either in style or patriotism. 

G. They next declare as the sense of the American people ' ' that justice, 
hvninniiy, liberty and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for 
a (:es--^ation of hostilities," icith a view to an ultimaie convention of all the States, or 



8 

ot.hvr PEACEABLE means, to the end that at the earliest practicable moment, 
peace may be restored 07) the basis of the Federal union of the Stales. " 

Mark well, this is the only thing in their whole platform that the (Convention 
order their party and candidates to do. The rest of their Resolutions contain 
only sentiment, doctrine, coniplnints and advice- trheap material nnd of no 
practical importance. 

If the American people adopt this as their sense by electing the candidates 
of this convention, they are on the 4th of March next, or soon thereafter, to 
ask Jefferson Davis for a "cessation of hostilities," which, of course, nui(-t be 
by armistice, or a total abandonment of the war at once. 

Mr. Davis may find it convenient to run the blockade by that time, but if ho 
can be found this side of the Rio Gi-aude, he will grant the request at once. 
Like every wrong-doer he says, he only wants "to be let alone " — a cessation 
of hostilities is just what he wants. They evidently inconvenience him be- 
yond all measure. Let us follow out the programme. 

Time must be taken then to stispend hostilities, to convene Congress, to 
" vltinmtehj" call a Constitutional Convention, to get it ratified by the people 
of two-thirds of the States, to get delegates elected, to coax Mr. Davis and 
his friends to attend, which they never will do, unless the doctrine of Btato 
sovereignty is conceded to them. And then, suppose they should be out- 
voted! They certainly would be. Would they submit? '^'•^t at all. That is 
what they took up arms about in the first instance, ant -oncediug Stale 

sovereignty, we relinquish the right to subdue them. Bm .i we did not, they 
would then be in fighting trim again on the same question. His confederacy 
would be recognized by foreign powers and our blockade gone. His cotton 
would be converted into British gold and ammunition. His recruited army 
would crush out all unionism in the South. A new crop would be on his hands. 
His defiance, stimulated by our cowardice, would know no bounds. He would 
strike oi;t clauses about "national unity" quicker than the Chicago conven- 
tion. " The best he could do for us " would be, to resolve our national gov- 
ernment into a confederacy under the State soveieignty, Jlontgomerj- vt;rsion 
of the Constitution ! 

You have the traitor now by the throat, and at the last gasp. If you loo.scn 
your hand and let him get his wind again, you are conquered! 

The whole scheme of coaxing the rebels into a Constitutional Convention, 
in order to ichipthetn, is impracticable. They will never come except to win 
—failing in that, they have us at their mercy. 

7. But if the rebels refuse to come into this Constitutional Convention, or 
bolt from it, what are we to do ? The Convention leaves us in no doubt— we 
must submit, surrender ! The cessation of hostilities is to be continued vnXh. 
a view to "other peaceable means." The word "peocenhle" was used to 
jnccilude the idea of warlike menus being resorted to in any case. 



The restriction was purj^oRcly made ; the Daily Neus of this city shows this, 
by some revelations of t)\e lalwrs of the ooramittee room in Chicago. T+ 
says: 

■' We especially italic-i^e tJie wuid ■ ijeocenhle,' because it is the key to the 
whole purport and purpose of the resolution, and because it excludes all possible 
honest belief that the convention meMnt to countenance ftirther resort to any 
means, of any sort, which should not be peaceable. Nay more — we assert, as 
jjart of the history of the platform, that the resolution, as originally presented, 
(lid not contain the word 'peaceable,' which was introduced in committee, 
upon the s^x-cial motion of ex-Governor .Pratt of Maryland — an uncompro- 
mising peace man— and uj^on the exijlieit ground, as stated by that gentleman 
when lae proposed it, that in its absence war might possibly be considered as 
among the 'qther means' intended to be sugge.sted. The word ' peaceable ' 
was introduced then to exclude a conclusion in favor of war, in any contin- 
gency, and the signification of the whole phrase, as modified and adopted, is 
so plain to thit effect, that no iutelligejit rann in the convention could have 
una «W;Lod it in nny other sense " 

Yo. ..y can '^*;--.- e true? That they mean by this, to obtain a peace by sur- 

ader at discretion to the rebels ? The words do mean that and nothing else. 

The best expounder of the Kesolution should be its author, and what dees Mr. 

Vallandigham say of it. Commenting on this second resolution, in a speech 

at Dayton, shortly after the adj<nirnment of the Chicago Convention, he s;iid: 

"It declared as its grand purpose, not to be surrendered, the reconstruction 
of the Union — the federal Union of the States - pointing out the stopping of 
the war and a convention of the States as the coustitntional, lawful, necessai y 
and proper means of accomplishing the work, and it went not beyond. 
What should be necessary hereafter; what our duty shall be in one, two or 
three years. Time will be our grand instructor, and he teaches wisely and well. 
They who are in public life then, filling the high places of responsibili^ty and 
trust, will discharge their duty, and yoix will demand of them that which 
they shall do —always having in view never to surrender that one great object, 
the reconstruction of the federal Union — not territorial unity, a unit of despot- 
ism — but the old federal Union, a union foTinded on the principles of federa- 
tion and compact heticeen iioverei<jn and independent States, delegating certain 
powers to their common agent, and withholding from it those not delegated. 
« « " •'> " " But that great doctrine of State rights is implied 
in the living icords inseHed in the last clatise of the resolvMons relating to peace on 
the basis of the FEnEP.Aij Union, as distinguished from any othek vtiion or any , 
Community." 

These last enlightening remarks of Mr. Yallandigham prove what is meant 
by the last clause of the resolution — ''that peace may be restored on the basis of 
</ieFEDEKAL Union of the States." It is plain, these people have no idea of 
preserving the National Government of the United States. Their " Union " is 
to be a mere confederation like the one that existed before our present Con- 
stitution was adopted. They are. State right, s^^jsereign State, secession men 
of the Calhoun Jefferson Davis doctrine, that a State can vote itself out of the 
Union, and the General Government being a mere creature of the States, h<is no 
r:ght to coerce it or its people . It can only coax it and them back again. The 
result of this doctrine is, that the war is unconstitutional and wrong— a wicked 
usurijation! That was not the doctrine of Washington, Jackson and Webster, 
and i^the American people adopt it "as their sense" the Nation is gone! 



10 

Tliis icsolution is no worrlod that the people are made, if they adopt it, to 
vote the law of tlie t'list' to be just iis Jeflf. Davis claimB it to he. It fully jur- 
tifies bini and all the rebelliou. President Lincoln is a usuq^er and Gons. Grant 
and Sherman are trespassers and innrderers, if that is the law. Yet this is 
their chart for the future of our countiT— all they propose io do. Tt is igno- 
■ rniuious surrender, pure and simple. It is Xational si'iri<1c ! 
8. Bui why should there be a 

OkSSATION' ok HoKTU^ITIiCS ? 

What reasons do they assign for this wonderfully strange course ' 
What reqirires or compelf; us to abandi>n our national unity — and break up 
the Union and Government of our fathers ? 

1. ^Ju-^dce, they say, demands it. Why? Is it juf;iice to our fathers, who 
gave their lives or endured all the horrors of war to gain this goodly heritage 
for us, that we should basely al)andon it to rebels. 

Is it jvst to our noble brothers, who have fallen and sutTered in this war, that 
wi! tell them, " You have bled and suflfered for nothing — we commenced the 
war wrongfully, in a freak of passioi ; brrt on reflection we don't thijik our 
country worth preserving. 'It is the sense of the American people,' noic, that 
they ought to use only "ijeaecable menns." and let the lebels grant us such a 
country as they choose." 

Is it just to those now living, that we should let the only gi-eat rejjublic of 
the world fall to pieces ? It has fostered and secured our prosperity — it is 
the protector of ns and ours — the laud of promise and hope to tin.' poor and 
oppressed in every jsart of the world. 

Is it just to those who will come after us? We live for our children. 
Thi-ough the dim future they call to us not to let their patrimony be lost by 
our cowardice, not to leave them the legacy of a broken government — a mass 
of petty, discordant, and belligerent states. No ! whether we look to th'e 
past, present, or future, justice fortjuh us to abandon this war and claims it a** 
her own. 

. 2. Ah! but say they ''hauutmty and liberty" demand it. Is it not evident 
by immigration, if nothing else, that the people or every laud look to our 
government as the home and guardian of humanity and liberty? Eveiy fibre 
of strength that is taken from our national govei-nment weakens the cause of 
humanity and liberty the world over. 

We know well enough that the trouble with these people in, that liberty 
and humanity are being specially vindicated in this war. As slavery had 
formerly rooted out true democracy and republicanism at the south, so it 
stood out as the Soul and Strfngth of the rebellion. 



If fifty years ago the Constitutional right of a free press and free sj)fefh 
had been allowed the Abolitionists and Emancipationists in the Southern 
States, they would havt- organized a free society there, and by moral influ- 



11 ^ ^ 

Alices hbPve removed tho canso of tho rebellion and fiuved U8 this dosolatin^ 
war. The Constitution framed to perpetuate liberiy was shamefully disre' 
gardcd in order to protect skiveri/ from the moral influences of the ago. Thd 
Abolitionists and Emancipationists were banished to the north, and there sat 
in "constitutional bonds," uttering Cassandra' prophecies from year to year 
until our fate ovei-took us. Many of or.r peojjle had so long worshipped the 
• ■ black serpent " that they scarcely knew any other God. But the triumph 
of " liberty, jtistice and humanity " was nigh. We had refused them when 
they plead ^^ith us from year to year as angels of peace; they came to con- 
quer at last in the teiTors of ci^•il war. The army, the people, saw that it 
was necessary this monster should die, that the nation might live. The 
President saw that the military necessity of emancipation m.ade it his Con- 
stitutional duty — and the deed was done. Since that emancipation proola- 
mntion, and by aid of it, our victories have been won. 

Now think what these Chicago people mean. 

15y this war some two millions of poor slaves have struggled into liberty 
■tud the hope of enlightenment; and some 200,000 of them are helping to 
fight our battles in our phices. What a beautiful ofioring to jusiice, hrmianiiij 
and lihe.rbj it will be to hand them back to the "tender mercies" of their raitor 
masters and the "bleswings" of slavery? Never fear, the human soul is not 
mean enough for that! 

3. But they insist the "public welfare " demands it; and they say, " the ma- 
larial prospeiity of the country is essentially impaired." 

This is an appeal to our interest. We are a.sked to give up our count.rj' be- 
cause it will cost us too mjich to insist upon its unity. 

The answer to this is, we cannot pay more than it is worth as l"ng as wf> 
have anything to pay with. , » 

The SiKKNGTH .iND Wkalth 
Of our nation consists of its people and property. Let us see if they are ex- 
hausted. 

Of course I can only give results here which I, and others, have tested and 
found to be correct. I confess I had little idea of the immense strength atid 
\\ealth of our country, until I began to calculate it. 

In July, 1864, our public debt was $1,750,000,000, The population of the 
loyal states 24,900,000. This gives but $72.92 debt to each person, and the 
interest on the whole of this debt would be at 5i per cent. §98,000,000, which 
would give the interest each person has to pay of $3.90. This is too high, for 
•there are $500,000,000 of the public debt on which no interest is paid, it 
being in the shape of stamps and currency. 

This, then, is o\\x debt. 

Now what have we to pay with ? The value of the real and personal prop- 
erty of the loyal states, July'l, 1864, is correctly estimated at $15,300,000,000. 
divide this by our population, 24,500,000, and it gives Sfil4.95 to each person ; 
on which the interest at 6 per cent, is $36.8(5. 



12 

Ti is (^ear enough we an; in a solvent condition yet. 

But it is urged the increase of the debt and interest on it, if the war goes 
on, will overwhelni us. 

Let ns see which grows the fastest, our debt or our recourses. 

From carefully prepared statistics it appears that whil« the population of 
the whole United States from 1850 to 1860 increased from 23,191,876 to '31,500, 
000, or 35.5 per cent. Our property increased from $7,135,780,000 to 
$16,159,000,000 or 126.45 per cent. 

This is the most extraordinary growth ever made by any nation in the Avorld. 
It is almost startling ! Why Great Britain in those ten years increased her 
population only 1 per cent, and her pro^jerty only 33 i)er cent. 

Let us assume the war will end by defeat of the rebels in 1865, leaving a 
debt of .-t^SOOOjOOOjOOO, we will then have the whole country under our govern- 
ment. But we will suppose that the check by the war, or other causes, to 
the increase of population and pro^jerty, will reduce the ratio to 30 per cent, 
on the population, and 100 per cent, on the property for each ten years in the 
future, though this is too large a reduction by half. Commencing then with 
1865 at those rates, we see by the following table how our debt would disap- 
pear during this century by the iNCRiSASE of oiir wealth alone. 

CoMPARATlVK InCKEASK OF WEALTH AND DkBT. 

Tears. Population. ' Natioual We;ilth. ' „VV/ , ■$3000,000,000]! terest lor! t^Ii;* L 

■ i860 , 31,500.000 ! §16, 159,000", 0001 $510V00' \ 1 

1865 •'; 34,000.000 1 21,574,000,000.' 634.52 '■ S82.35 ; S5.35 

1870 : l().:i~0,0()n .12.;]] 9.000,000' 789.00 ' 73.26 : 4.38 '.1.2S 

1880 :.:!.:::^^(1IM! r,L-i:;(;,()(iu.('.00: 1214.00 , 56.35 '■ 3.38 : 4.04 

1890 ' 0: 1, 2( >."•,.:;( ,11 1 -J'.), 272.0011,000; 1878.00 : 43.43 ; 2.60 '■ 2.32 

1900 ; 89, yM, 150 258,514,000,000' 2873.00* 33.34 1 2.00 ! 1.16 

The burden of a national debt decreases just in proportion to the increase 
of national wealth. We have onlj- to look after the interest, and our children 
can pay the jorincijial without feeling it. The percentage of debt to property 
tells the story. This is seen in the last column. 

This is the reason that Great Britain has so easily carried her national debt. 
In her case in 1816, after crushing Napoleon, her debt was 37^ per cent, on 
her property, but in 1858 her debt was only 13.4 per cent, on her property. 
Of course she was solvent and flourishing. With us the strength to bear 
grows faster than the burden, even in time of war — immensely faster will it 
grow, when peace comes with a vindicated government ! 

This seems like a faii-y tale ; can it be tnie ? 

I'hink a moment of the naturail increase of oar population every year, of 
the immense immigration, which will this year equal to 300,000. Think of the 
sources of increase of wealth ; of agriculture carried over a whole continent 
hyfree labor; of mining of the precious and useful metals ; of coal and petro- 
leum ; of labor-saving machinery, of which that of Massachusetts jilone equals 



18 

100,000,000 of men ; of the public lauds ; of commerce, shipping and fisheries, 
and the almost innumerable branches of industry and profit connected with 
each of these — think of these, stimulated by an immensely augmented popu- 
lation of free men, and improved upon by the progress of science and art, and 
who A\-ill say that oiu- figures will not be tnie ? They do not lie. This is no 
di-eam, but a firmly based and ever-growing reality of strength and gran- 
deur that leaves all past achievements of our race behind as trivial and 
insignificant. But if we fail now — the national unity — the one condition neces- 
sary to the realization of this glorious future will be gone! The discordant States 
must puisue the arts of war instead of peace. The spring of the national 
intellect and enterprise will be limited by State lines and restrictions, and 
dwarfed by defeat. Foreign immigration must fall off when we can no longer 
protect the asylum it seeks, and when national enterprise ceases to reward 
industry. Despots will then point to America as to Greece, and say "Her 
patriotism failed to sustain her natiox.vl unity, and in the New World as in 
the Old, the cradle of liberty became its grave ! " 

No! Even if we owed all this debt to foreign nations, the " piiblic wel- 
fare" requii-es us to i^ay it thrice over rather than abandon our national unity 
or surrender it to armed rebellion. But' 

To Whom no Wk Owe this Dkbt V 

Not ABKOAD, but TO OURSELVES! That debt is no burden, because, 
the country is rich enough to paj^ it, and we get the interest as long as wo 
hold it — the debt is 'really individual propeHy. Throughout the country we 
have paid olf our individual'debts and taken the debt of the'government to us. 
We have very generallj'^ ceased to be debtors and have become creditors of 
our government. If the government is sustained and vindicated, this credit 
is wealth. But if the government is abandoned, it is repudiation and dead 
loss ! Does public welfare require us to make (his sacrifice in order to lose 
our country ? 

Again Mr. Davis will certainly submit to no '■ peaceable means" of restoring 
peace that does not pay the rebel home and foreign debt, in case ours is paid. 
There is no mistake about this. Even his friends at the north, when they 
speak of compromise always include the payment or consolidation of the 
debt of both parties. We are to lose our cause, — our country, and pay the 
costs of both parties, in order to "secure the public welfare." Would it not 
be infinitely cheaper then, to continue the war till our debt was doubled 
before surrender? 

Yes. Our country is still rich in men and means, and is growing richer almost 
beyond calculation. Courage, confidence, and unity of sentiment in using the 
immense resources we have, is all we need. Some people talk as though wo 
had our last man in the field, — our last dollar in the treasury. Not so. We 
have not yet put forth half our strength. And what we are to purchase by 
this outlay is beyond any calculable price. Take the loans of your govern- 
ment then, freely. She will pay. When final victory touches her banners — 



14 

<"Yery one of liev notes will comiujuu'l a ^Ji't^miuin over gold. Patriotism in :i 
ymfo bank. Next to yonr God you may trust yonr Country with all yon havo. 

Thank God f.nd take courage ! We ran never purchi.'-X' "public welfart'" 
nor' 'material prosperity" by selling onr coimtry. 

Now — look at the counterparts of this second llesolution as they stand in 
the Baltimore Platform. 

Resolved, That we approve the determination of the Goverunient of tlic 
United States, not to comprowi.-^e icith rebels, nor to ofter any terms of peace 
except such as may be based up )n an uaoonditionai surrender of their ho.s- 
tility,and a return to their just allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the 
Qnited States, and that we call upon the Government to maintain this pos- 
ition and to prosecute the tear irith the xdmosf possibl(i vu/or to the coraplet.- suj)- 
presRion of the rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrifice, the patriot. 
ism, the heroic vaJor, and the undying devotion of the American people to 
their country and its free ii)stitutions. 

Resolved, That the national faith, pledged for the redouption of the public 
debt, must be keep inviolate : and that for this purpose we recommend econ- 
omy and rigid responsibility in the pixblic expenditures, and aAagorous and 
just system of taxation, and that it is the duty of every loyal State to sustain 
the credit and promote the use of the national currency. 

These ARE the "sense of the American people;" they mean pi- ace and 
the Union by victory, not pence and some Union by surrender. 

Tkf, Tutkd CniCAGo Pi.ank is xnrs : 

Rejoiced, That the direct inteiference of the military authorities of the 
United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Macyland. Missouri 
and Delaware was a shameful violation of the Constitution, and the repeti- 
tion of siich acts in the approaching election will be held as revolutionary. 
and resisted icith nil merms and power under our conirol. 

The interference comphiined of was jfuardiug the polls, so that they could 
not be broken up by armed rebels, and in administering the oath of allegi- 
ance, so that rebels might not outvote loyal men. . 

This was all that was done. If it had not been. done Jeif Davis u-ould have 
carried every one of those states by marching his soldiers up to the ballot 
boxes. That would have been far ino)-e easy and effective for hirii than fightbvj! 

The purity of the ballot box, the very first democraiic principle, le- 
quired that armed rebels should be kej^t away by " direct militarjMnterfev- 
ence," and traitors- by the oath of allegiance. What Jackson Democrat 
would object to that, or would fail to charge if as the highest crime on the 
Administration, if it neglected this duty? But these Calhoun men — demo- 
crats so-called — think it a plain violation of state rights and the constitution. 
Of course if the constitution is. as they believe it, merely a compact of con- 
federation, the exercise of military power to maintain the "national unit} 
is a criminal usurpation. But the most singular part of this resolution is 
the last clause. Such interference, they say, " xcill be resisted icilh all djct/io 
and power in our control." In the jjroceedings of this convention we nml tin; 
following : 



15 

Mr. Wicklili', of Kentucky, then rose jind .said that tk^' delegates from the 
West were of the opinion that cii-cumfitances may occur between now and 
the 4th of March next for the Democracy of the country to meet in conven- 
tion again. He therefore moved the following resolution, which was miani- 
mously adopted. 

Resolved, That this Convention shall not be dissolved hy adjournnieni at the 
dose of its business, but shall remain ov(jamzed subject to be called at any tim'-. 
and pkice that the Executine National Committee shall design-iti'. 

This was unusual. No political convention had ever taken a like step 
before in our country. It meant something. But what? Honest democrats 
in this part of the country were at a loss to know — too, what means and poicerf 
the Convention had in their control to resist the General Government. 

We know now what the copperheads of the West were di-iving at. They 
meant to open the polls to the rebels by force, and to organize a conspiracy 
that would plunge the West and North into a revolution. 

The Sons of Liberty, of which Dodd was one of the leaders, then num- 
bered its tens of thousands. Dodd was arrested. His trial at Indianapolis 
proved him guilty, and proved the fearful nature and extent of this conspi- 
racy. Dodd pretended boldness and innocence at first, but when he saw 
that his guilt was proved, he escaped from jail, was hurried into Canada by 
his confederates. But the loyal Democracy, the Jackson Democracy of In- 
diana, saw their dangor, and at their State Election on the 11th of October, 
crushed the conspirators beneath a union majority perfectly overwhelming. 

Think of this third plank and Wickliff"s resolution being adopted unanimous- 
ly, and be forewarned ! It is much easier to defeat these conspirators by bal- 
lot than it loiU be by bullets. They must be taught by such majorities as 
were given against them in Ohio and Indiana, how little they understand 
the "sense of the American People," and the Jackson Democracy of the 
North ! 

I earnestly request every man to read the able -and beautiful Beport of 
Judge Joseph Holt, dated October 8, 1864, on the evidence obtained at the 
trials of these conspirators. This secret conspiracy under the name of Sons 
of Liberty, Knights of the Circle, «fec., had its thousands of armed men aid- 
ing the rebels in Missouri, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, Ohio, and in a modi- 
fied form under the name of " McClellan Minute Men," in New York. The 
Eiiuals of these secret orders are based upon the very same Calhoun phrases thai 
occur in the Chicago Platform, and wei'e apparently written by the same hand— 
certainly with the same meaning. They had actually commenced the inaugura- 
tion of Civil War. "■ Dinct military interference" is all that saved the Vt'est front 
its horrors. 

Let no Jackson Democrat supijose that because he is honest and patriotic 
that .the present leaders of the so-called democratic party are bo too. The 
children of Jackson and Calhoun are not of the same family 1 



16 

Thr Foujrth Chicago Plank is -jnis : 

Resolved, That the aim and (.Oiject of the l^emoe-ratii- i);uty is to preserve 
theFederal Union and the rhjhts of the i%ttcs uuimjJairi'il ; aiul they hereby 
declare that they consider the Administrative usurpation of extraorcUn'uy 
ami daagevous poioers not gmuted by the Oons'dtution, the subversion of tiie 
civil by "military law in States not in" insurrection, the arbitrary military arrest, 
imprisonment, trial and sentence of American citizens in States where civil 
law exists in full force, the suppression of freedom of speech and of thepi'oss, 
the denial of the rip:ht of asylum, the open and avowed disregard ov static 
BIGHTS, the employment of unusual test-oaths, and the isteefekexce with 

AND DENIAL OF THE EIGHTS OF THE PKOPLE TO BEAR ARMS, aS CALCULATED TO PRE- 
VENT A BESTOEATION OF THE UNION, AND A PERPETUATION OF A GOATlV.MiENT 
DERIVING ITS JUST POAVERS FROM THE CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED. 

This Fourth Resolution opens with the " Federal Union " and the " llights of 
the States." The idea that there, is any such power as a National Government is 
entirely omitted from every part of their platform — tliey always qualify the 
word "Union" so that it shall nut be taken for a National Government, but 
simply a union of States. The further we go, the clearer it is, that the Spirit 
of Calhoun wrote this Platfcn-m bv the hand of Vallandi^ham. 



Charges Against the ADMiNisrEATiox. 

1 cannot tax j'our patience to answer all the charges against the Adminis- 
tration set forth in this Resolution. They all rest on the same false basis. 
They are instances of ,the exercise of war powers. If by the Constitution 
the President is vested with such powers in order to -defend and protect the 
Constitution and the National Government embodied in that^charter, then 
they are not usurpations, noe unconstitutional, noe illegal, but the con- 
trary. The Democracy of Jackson said, and still say, the Nation must live ! 
The Calhoun Democracy said, and say by this platform, "THEFEDERAL 
UNION " may live, as long as the States can be coaxed to agree to support if, 
but the President cannot "coerce " a State, noi" individuals acting under State 
authority. That is the issue of life or death to the Nation. The decision 
of the people on this question settles its fate just as certainly as defeat or 
victory in the field. 

I wish I had time to expose the injustice, exaggevatiou and falsehood of 
each of these chai'ges, but I can only refer to 

Military Arrksts. 
This is the greatest rebellion since the angtls were^thrust from Heaven, yet 
the President has not hung one teaitor. All the military arrests made in his 
name don't exceed 500, and most of these have been_set free on taking the 
oath of allegiance, and in hard cases, giving security not to take up arms 
with, or aid the rebels. The WTit of habeas corpus has been long ago legally 
suspended, yet we hardly know it. Such leniency we would hardly expect 
even in an ordinary insurrection or street fight in any other country. AH the 
acts charged are acts of war. In war, arrests are not made for the pui-pose of 
punishing the oflender for a crime— not for trial under civil laws- but for the 



17 

purpose of preventing the man from harming the goTernment by aiding the 
enemy. It is like an injunction or preliminary arrest — a civil suit to pre- 
vent inji^ry from being done, not to punish it. In that noble and beauti- 
ful letter of the President to Erastus Corning, of Albany, on the Arrest of 
VaUandigham, the whole matter is clearly and truly stated. I earnestly be- 
seech all who have doubts on this subject to read that letter. The case of 
VaUandigham come up before Judge Leavett, a democratic Judge appointed 
by President Jackson. In deciding that case he thus stated the law. 

" In ttme of war the President is not above the Conatitutlon, but derives his power ex- 
pressly from the provision of that Instrxunent, declaring that he shall be Oommander-in- 
Chief of the Array and Navy. The Constitution does not specify the powers he may right- 
fully exercise in this character. No one denies, however, that the President, in this character, 
ie invested with very high powers." 

" And in deciding what he may rightfully do under this power, where there is no express 
legislative declaration, the President is guided solely by his own judgment and discretion, 
and is only amenable for an abuse of his authority by impeachment prosecuted according to 
the rp.quirements of the Constitution." 

The power does exist to defend the Constitution from traitors and con- 
spirators. When necessity calls, the duty must be exercised. The President 
has used this power rarely, and with remarkable clemency. It wiU be the 
fault of such conspirators as Dodd, and VaUandigham, and Wickliffe, acting 
under the inspiration of the Chicago Platform, if it is ever exercised again. 
The President is mild but firm. He has undertaken to maintain the National 
Unity, and as long as he is President he will do it — the Chicago Convention 
the CaUioun Democracy, and the Sons of Liberty to the contrary, notwith- 
standing ! He reUes upon the true "sense," the common sense of the Amer- 
ican people for support. 

The last clause complains that all these acts of war are "calculated to pre- 
vent a KESTOKATioN of the Union, and the pebpetuation or government de- 

BIVING ITS JTJST POWERS FKOM THE CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED. 

Here we have the same story, the Union to be restored ; thus admitting it is 
ilissolved — "perpetuation of government," but not the government of the 
United States, but some government or other " deriving its just powers," not 
from the constitution as it now stands, but from the consent of the "gov- 
erned." 

But who are the "governed," whose consent is necessary? 

In the Declaration of Independence, the sentence of which this is meant to 
be the echo, refers to a majority of the people. Here it means the Eebel 
States "whose consent is necessary to restore the "Federal Union," and 
whose "consent," must be obtained by coaxing and surrender, not by exer- 
cise of war powers. The same words occur in the Ritual of the Sons of Lib- 
erty, with this meaning. No one can fully understand the Chicago Platform 
without reading that Eitual and seeing how these very phrases are there made 
the basis for conspiracy, revolution and murder. 



18 



fHE Fifth and Sixth Chicacjo Planks 

are too lij^'ht timber to stand any examination. We ijlacc them before tlie 
corresponding Baltimore planks to show their hollowness and mockery. 

Chicago. 

liesolved, That the shameful disregard of the Adiiiinist ration to its duty in 
respect to our fellow-citizens who now and long have been lyrisoners of war in 
a suffering condition, deserves the severest reprobation, on the score alike of 
public interest and common humanity. 

liesolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily and ear- 
nestly extended to the soldiery of our army, who are and have been in the 
field under the flag of our country ; and, in the event of our obtaining poicer, 
they will receive all the care and protection, regard and kindness, that the brave 
soldiers of the Republic have so nobly earned. 

Baltimoke. 

Resolved, That the Grovernment owes to all men employed in its armies, 
without regard to distinction of color, the full protection of the laws of war, 
and that any violation of the laws or of the usages of ci\dlized nations in the 
time of war by the rebels now in arms, should be made the subject of ftiU and 
prompt redress. 

Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due to the soldiers 
and sailors of the army and navy, who have periled their lives in defense of 
their country, and in vindication of the honor of its flag ; that the nation owes 
to them some permanent recognition of their patriotism and valor, and ample and 
permanent provision for those of their survivors who have received disabling 
and honorable wounds in the service of the country ; and that the memories 
of those who have fiiUen in its defense shall be held in grateful and everlast- 
ing remembrance. 



Let us sift the meaning out of 



McClkijT.an's Letter of Acceptance. 

It is well for the Committee of the Convention that the Candidate to whom 
they presented this Chicago Platform was not General Jackson, or a General 
upon whom his mantle had fallen. How sublime would have been the storm 
of indignation with which he would have hurled it back upon them ? Alas ! it 
was presented to a General in every respect the exact opposite to the Hero of 
New Orleans. For nine days he was silent. In those days Atlanta fell, and 
Grant moved upon the Weldon Road. It became evident that this platform 
would not stand even the storm of an election, unless it was touched up with 
war paint. It might do pure and simple for the western Conspirators and Butter- 
nuts, but not for the more honest Democrats of the Atlantic slope. There wjis 



- 19 

u hurning to and fro of Committee men. The letter 'of acceptance must ac- 
cept the peace platform, and it must make it palatable 'to war democracy. 
How was that possible ? They tell me that in hard times in Mexican moun- 
tains when the mules refuse to eat their provender of ivy leaves, it is found 
sufficient to but a pair of green goggles over their eyes, whereupon the inno- 
' cent animals, thinking the greenness is in their fodder, instead of themselves, 
devour it readily. This letter is a mere blind. If possible, it is even more 
dangerous than the avowed surrender it is to make palatable. 

It is evident that neither McClellan nor any one man wrote it as it now stands. 
It has been terribly doctored by peace and war men alternately, until its dis- 
located non-committal paragi-aphs got so weak that neither party could tell 
who would be cheated by them, and tlieu it was sent to the ]>ublic. 

1. He says "the nomination comes un.sought." 

Unless he, together with his personal friends have been seeking this nomin- 
ation ever since he was at the head of the army, his and their conduct belongs 
to the unaccountable singularities of human conduct. 

2. He naxt is "happy that the cf'nveution kept in view the record of his 
public life.'' 

His record is Tso short that the coiiventinn liad little ditliculty in so doing. 
He never held a civil office in his life. 

3. He next says, that service in the army in war and peace had made the 
love and reverence for the union, constitution, laws and flag of our country 
impressed uponiim in early youth "indelible." 

His education in early youth, and in the army in peace and war, was of the 
pro-slavery, state right, aristocratic kind, prevalent at West Point and under 
the Pierce and Jetf Davis Administration. No ! love and reverence won't do, 
NOW ! We want acts, facts, and principles that can't he misunderstood. ^Vhen 
Jeff Davis visited Portland in 1860, he exceeded all I ever heard in expressions 
of " love and reverence," &c., for the Union. 

4. He says these feelings have guided the course of his life, and must con- 
tinue to do so to its end. 

Do these feelings noio guide him to preserve tlxe National Union by continu- 
ing the war and subduing the rebels by arms, or .to restore the Federal Union 
"by cessation of hostilities?" We shall see in a moment. 

5. His next idea, is that "the existence of more than one government over 
the region which once owned our flag is incompatable with the peace, the 
power, and the happiness of the people. " 

Must that "one government" be our present government vindicated by 
arms, or a new one " deriving its just powers " from the consent of the Rebel 
States ? We shall learn soon from this letter. 

6 and 7. The next tico paragraphs (for I must hiury on) are luminous with 



20 

theory of the war. It was " fommenced," he says, "with the sole avowed object 
to preserve the Union. It shoukl have been conducted for that object, [just as 
though it had not been] and in accordance with the principles which he took 
occasion to declare while in active ser'/ice. " That is, in his letter to the Presi- 
dent from Harrison Landing, where his defeated army lay under the 'pro- 
tection of our gunboats. * 

"Thus conducted," he says, "the wouk ok kkcongiliation wotjIjD h.vvt: 
BEEN EASY, and we might have reaped the benefits of our many victories ou 
land and sea." 

If the phiase "thus conducted" refers to carrying on the war to preserve the 
Union, it has been so done. But if it had been canied on according to the 
notions in the Harrison Landing letter, we never should have had any \-i<'.- 
tories to reap the benefit of. This we know, for, it was by rejecting those 
notions and their author, and by using all the means we could, that we gained 
those victories. But the luminous idea and singular confession is, that if wo 
had BEATEN THEM ONLY A LITTLE, AS HE DID, they might have been reconciled. 
Thus it appears that he was all the while a political General, using his arms 
for the purpose of maldng a "reconciliation easy," instead of subduing the 
rebel armies hj decisive victory, and vindicating the laws. This confession 
should never be forgotten. 

8. He next saj's, tha.t because the Union was formed by conciliation and 
compromise it must be restored by the same means. 

Not so. We may compromise to make a bargain or a government, but after 
it is made all parties must be held to it. It is the end of all popular govern- 
ment, if it must be the subject of a new compromise every time the defeated 
minority choose to rebel. No doctrine more dangerous than this was ever 
announced to the American people. In ten years it would, render our govern- 
ment no better than that of New Mexico and the South American republics. 

9. The next paragraph looks at first as though the war people were getting 
the upper hand, but the contrary is- the fact. "The re-estahUshmmt of the 
Union in all its integrity is, and must continue to be, the indispensable con- 
dition in anj' seitlemcnt. " " 

We are then to have a settlement or compromise with the reljels for the pur- 
pose of re-establishing the JJnion, which must in that case be a "federal Union. " 
For he goes on to say, that as soon as ' ' our present adversaries are ready for 
peace on the basis of the Union, we should exhaust all the resources of states- 
manship practised by civilized nations, and taught by the traditions of the 
American people, consistent with honor and interests of the country to secure 
such peace, re-establish the Union a?j(2 guarantee for the future the consiitutional 
rights of every State. " 

Mark, he says "as soon as the rebels are readj' for peace" we should go on 
and make all these frantic exertions by compromise to secure it. If they are 



21 

■'ready," it seems to me we could except their submission to the laws without 
iixiy such " exhaustion of statesmanship and traditions," &c. This language 
seems mere twaddle, but it is not. It is meant to prepare and suborn our 
pittriotism to accept the conclusion "guarantee for the future the constitu- 
tional rights of eveiy State," that is, accept a "federal Union" and a confed- 
erate peace. For what does a man, educated under Jefferson Daris and the 
disciples of Calhoun, mean by such phrases as "guaranteeing the rights of 
every State. " Alas ! we know too well ! He conchides, ' 'The Union is the 
one condition of peace — we ask no more. " If it is a confederate Union, to be 
made by the rebel States, upon the ruins of the national government — we do 
ask more. 

10. That I am giving no forced construction to this language, the next para- 
:.,vi;ph ehoM's clearly. 

Me says : "Let me add, what I doubt not was, although unexpressed, the 
• iitiment of the convention, as it is of the people they represent, that when 
ovy one State is willing to return to the Union, it should be received at onc^, 
^rith a full guarantee of all its constitutional rights." 

That is, the States are to return to the Union as States with full guarantee 
'" each State of " its constitutional rights. " The people are wholly left out 
'■ ' (" the account. The government is not to be preserved as a national govern- 
ment of the people. But the Union is to be n reconstiaicted federal league of 
States. And the i-esources of statesmanship, &:c., not wae — are to be " ea-- 
hrmsfed" (thinlc of that ten-ible word) to make the best bargain we can with 
flicra, on claiming admission to this new confederacy. 

This is the exact view of Alexander H. Stephens, the rebel vice-president. 
Let those, who would understand this letter, read his letter of September 22, 
1864. He goes into pr>etic ecstasies over the State sovereignty doctrine of the 
<!hicago platfovTu. 

The next paragiaph say.s :" 

11. -'If a frank, earnest and persistent eiyort to obtain those objects should 
tail, the responsibility for "ulterior consequences" will fall upon those who remain 
in arms against the Union." 

Such "effort" would not fail, unless Mr. Davis should be too blind to know 
when his enemies suiTender to him, in that case the responsibility, and blunder 
would be certainly with him and his friends. 

YotJ SEE THIS LETTEE jU)OPTS AND PEOCEEDS UPON THE PKOGRAI.IME OF THE 

Chicago Platfokm — fiest, we are to stop HosTiLiTrES and exhaust "states- 
manship and the traditions of the country " in making compromises, and if 
jH.EN the rebels won't accept the "federal Union," or, in other words, won't 
admit us into their confederacy, he talks of "ulteeioe consequences. " 
He says the "ulterior consequences will fall upon those who remain in 



22 



arms against the Union," What oonseqi^ences ? "Why the consequences of 
having a divided country, which he thinks "incompatible with the interests 
of the people." For, as I have shown, if we let up the rebels, as he here pro- 
poses, tor the purpose of first compromising with them in convention, if 
we there fail to get low enough io suit them — they, " who remain in arms 
against the Union," wjll have their confkdkkact acicxowlkbged and invin- 
cibly ESTABI.ISHED AND US AT THEIK MEKOY. 

It is in this connection, and aftj^jk compromisiug, thut ho yays, " But tht> 
Urdon must be preserved at all hazards." What Union — what hazards 
should we have the choice of then '! There can be but one answer. Such 
a Union as Mr. Davis and the rebel States might ch.oose to pi-eserve after 
tiirowing away our national government, and that we must take j^ the 
hazard of seeing that oiu- "exhausted statesmanship" had established a sep- 
arate southern confederacy ! When 'Pi'esident Jackson, in fighting Calhoun 
and these same State-right doctrines, said, the "Union must, and shall be pre- 
served I " we knew he meant the national government, of Avhioh he was the head, 
and that he was not going^tb leave it stripped of itsjlpower.^atthe mercy of armed 
rebels, for some two yeai-s, to see if he could not then rescue it from their grasp 
by exhausting the resources of " statesmanship and tralitions." The candi- 
date cannot now be trusted wlio is bound by his party and binds himself to 
preserve the Union by exchanging tlie hazards of snt-cessful w.ir for the hazards 
of such a compromise with rebels. 

12. His respects ai-e next paid to his comrades of the army and navy. He 
Eiiiys he "could not look in their face and tell them their sacrifices had been in 
vain." He need not do it ; for, has he not just told us that he and his com- 
rades conducted the war not to hurt the enemy, but to make "reconciliation 
easy" for them. He need not tell them that "th.^t union," fpr which we 
have so often perilled our lives, is abandoned." Certainly not, until the 
resources i^f his stiitesmanship are exhau.sted without effect. 

13. He next concludes that he and a vast majority of our people in the army 
and navy or at home would hail, with unbounded joy, the ijermanent restora- 
tion of peace, pn the basis of the " Union UNDER the constitution." We 
know what school this phrase belongs to. It is the Calhoun dialect, and 
means a Union as a confederacy of States— a "federal Union" as distin- 
guished from the National Union and Government, of which Jackson was and 
Lincoln is President. That I do not mistake his meaning, the next line 
shows: "But no peace can be permanent vnthout Union." What kind of 
Union? The Chicago convention could not say the government. Why this 
shying at the definite article the? Because he expects to take slch a Union 
as the rebels vdll grant peace upon when his statesmanship is exhausted. 

14. The next clause might be iunucent enough, if we did not know that 
some^of the party phrases seemingly fair describe Hmitutions of tlie war 



23 

power in favor of the rebels. He promises ' ' to seek in the Constitution" for 
" limitations of executive power," not for power to put down the rebellion ; 
he is to "restore economy " and re-establish the law." The " cessation of 
hostilities " would doubtless stop the expenses of the war for a time, and do 
away with the suspension of the h.ubeas coepus. He next promises "the 
opEKATiox of a more vigorous nationality. " fiow this vigorous nationality is 
to ' ' OPERATE " we are not told, but by it, we are to resume our coitMA^fDiKo 
posiTiox among the nations of the earth. This, if it means anything but 
twaddle, seems to indicate that after we compromise with Mr. Davis, we are 
to unite with him in a foreign wai-. May it not be a basis of this projected 
compromise that we should conquer enough of Mexico or Cuba and Central 
America, to enable the number of slave States to equal the free States. This 
equalitj' was the pet tuL-ury of Calhoun and his aristocracy. In fact, they did 
not rebel as long as they were able to keep up that equality. 

15. The next clause is, "The condition of ouv finances, the depreciation 
of our paper money, and the burdens thereby imposed on labor and capital, 
show the necessity of a return to a sound financial system." 

This means that our present financial system is unsound, and that we must 
return to the one we had, before our paper money depreciated. If this means 
anything, it means kkpuoiation I If not, why does he not intimate some sys- 
tem to which he proposes to return. He conjures up ' ' burdens " (which I 
have shown to be imaginary) " imposed on labor and capital" by our iDreseut 
system, thus aiding the rebels by breaking it down, and promises them, that 
if he is elected, he will return to the one before the war. He cannot do so 
without giving up the war. No country ever earned on a war without making 
its credit money. To try to "return" to what was or might has'e been a 
sound system befoi-c the war made the issue of paper cuiTcncy necessary, is 
not only ' • cessation of hostilities " — it is, nEPUDi.ATiox and euix. 

But he goes on to say, " While the rights of citizens and the rights of states, 
and the binding authority of law over Pi-esident, army and people, are sub- 
jects of not less vital importance in war than peace." 

I have shown before that, by the constitution, the civil lav^' is silent in 
time of M'ar, to the extent that the President is obliged to use war powers to put 
down the resistance to the Constitution, the laws and the government thereof. 
If by "law" he means military law, the laws of war he asserts a stale flat 
ti-uism ; but if he means by "law" that the "civil law" is "binding" "au- 
thority over President, army and people " in war, he says what is ridiculous . 
According to that G rant has no right to execute a rebel spy until he has been 
indicted by a grand jury, tried by a United States judge, and sentenced. 
But that he does so mean is evident, because he describes the "law" he refers 
to as "just as vitally important in war as in peace." As military law is not 
binding on the people in time of peace, it must therefore be the civil law he 
is talking about. Thus the Pbksidi:>"t, aemx and people are bound by the 



24 

oivil law in time of civil war ! Aixd he says the " rights of citizens and rights 
of states " are just as impoi-tant, that is, are to be respected the same " in war 
as in peace." A war according to civil law, respecting the rights of rehel citi- 
zens and rebel states just as though we were at peace with them, is an utter 
impossibility. In every way this paragraph is -sdewed, it is absurd and 
ridiculous. 

16. He next says : " Belikvixq that the tiews hkkk kxpre.-^sei) ake thos^r 

OF THE CONVENTION AND THE PEOPLE TOD REPRESENT. I ACCEPT THE NOMINATION.'" 

When he wrote this, he bad the Chicago platform lying before bim, for be 
refers to it in the Utb paragraph— it expressed the oxanimous views of the-coa- 
tention, and he knew it. He says that he believes the views he has expressed in 
this letter are the eame, and 1 fully agree with him. He confirms all 1 have 
said— he hereby puts ^substantially the same coastruciion ou his pbra-es tbiit I 

do he eayp, they " are those of the convention " the pame identical ouee in 

meaning. Such a " Christian gentleman " would never have accepted the nomi- 
nation of this convention if his views had differed from theirs. 

Why then was it ueceeaary to send to the world such a mass of dubio«3 
incoherent platitudes? Why raise such a fog if there was ^nothing to hide? 
The reason is, that after the fall of Atlanta green goggles were necessary to 
make northQrn democrats take coppeihoadism, Calhoun semi-treapon, and base 
enrrender in the place of Jack?on democracy. Many were thus a little blinded 
at first, but if they chew the cud a little, they will soon find out the mistake. 

17. He says, " I realize the weight of the rospousibllity to be borne should 
the people ratify their choice."' 

If the weak man who would put, or permit his name to be put, to fuch a lettfir 
as this, although backed by Wood and Vallandigham and Pendleton, ever un- 
dertakes to " exhaust resources of statesmanship " with Jefferson Davis, in whose 
bands poor Pierce was like clay in the hands of a potter, the sharp in- 
cisive intellect, the clear stern will, the reckless daring of the American (Jataline 
will soon leave him no choice but surrender. In such a defeat,, he would not 
have even a gunboat for a refuge. He says he is "conscious of his own weak 
nese." Then we had better not let him loosen the rebel giant to see if he can't 
throw him on the field of compromise. 

18. He U'-xt talks of fervently seekinK the guidance of the Ruler of the |Uoi- 
verae and relying on His all powerful aid." I have observed that the Almighty 
aids those men and nations who call upon Him not by words alone but by act?. 
Who in time of war instead of longing for a surrender, keep theirj courage up 
and their powder dry; but that a nation like a Wv.roan, who hesitates when her 
honor is in question is lost. 

He is, however, moderate in his demands upon the Divine Power. He \h to do 
bis best to " restore union [not the Union] and peace to a suffering people 



26 

[including those great pufferern, the rebels,] and to eeiabli'b and guard^HKTE 
rights and liberties." 

The rights and liberties of the loyal people of the United States ha not jet 
lost, uor likely to be. The Rebels at the South and their fellow Conspirators at 
the norlh. if they get their ''right.^" will be deprived of I'aeir " liberty " to 
destroy our National Government, and continue eo to be, until they submit to its 
Constitution and laws like the rest of us. 

This is the end of th=; lelter. 

The Peace Copperheads, the Woods, VallaDdighams, Voorhies, Longs, and 
McMastere, pretended to be put out by it, but on consultation, saw it was ail 
right for them, and turned right in and snpporied McCle'laB heartily. The 
Daily News says it was a blind, that the Chicago Platform had been substan- 
tially presented to McClellan before the Convention met and been approved by 
him— and its statement has never been denied. Wood knew, as McClellan says, 
that it was, when examined, the .^ame thing as the Chicago Platform; but what if it 
is not ? Says he in a speech in New York, " If elected I am eatistied he will fiu- 
tortain the views and execute the principles of the great party he will represent 

WITHOUT REGARD TO THOSK HE MAY BBfSEl F POi^SESS. He WILT. THEX BE ODR 
AOEXT, THE CREATURE OF OUR VOICE." 

And he is right. Pendleton, who must be voted for by the same electors as 
McClellan, was ou the floor of the Convention and gave his hearty consent to 
the Chicago Platform, and afterwards gloritied it in a short speech from the 
steps of Vallandigham House, at Dayton, Ohio, as those " be.veficient prixciplf..^ 
RECENTLY soiJiMXLY AxxouNCED IX Natioxal CONVENTION." On the Same occa- 
sion Vallandigham made a few remarks— referred to Pendleton " as his own 
familiar friend," and said : 

' The Chicago Platform enunciated it^ [the Democratic party's] policy and 
principles by aiithority, and was binding upon every democrat, and by them the 
democratic administration must and should be governed." 

These speeches worepublished in the Dayton Empire just after the publication 
of McGlellan's letter. 

There is no mistaking the voice of this platform as expounded by its candidates, 
authors and principal supporters. If adopted, it is the end of our country as a 
Nation. 

I have chosen to consider Gen. McClellan, like Pendleton, to be honest, and 
also intelligent enough to know the meaning of his platform and letter. Some 
of his friends, however, seem to intimate that he does not understand them thor- 
oughly, or does not intend to be bound by them. 

If he does not understand his own chart, certainly he ought not to be put at 
the helm. If he intends to deceive and mislead a large part of his employers 
and crew as to his course, the ship of state, will certainly be subjected to new 
divisions.'mutinies and disasters in his hands. 



27 

Abriihaci Lincoln is souad, booeet &ad experieoced. He has brought us within 
6!ght of the peace we hope to gain. Certainly U is not rnitv to chaugR him for a 
green and uncertitia buod until this voyage is over. 

Now for 



PuNDLKrON'H HasKIN LklTKR. 



What Atlaiiia did tor McCl^liaii, the Union majority of 75,000 in Ohio did tor 
Pendleton. It made the dumb speak ! When the Copperheads begin to cry 
Union, they Jiucw their end is near. As the last hope, Pendleton writes a pri- 
vate letter to John B. Has-kin, dated October 17, 1864. lie complains in a lino 
or !0 about " falsehood:'," &c., and then eayf^ : 

•• I M\KE NO PHDFJSSSION'S OF A NKW FAITH — ONLY Ilt-PEAT MY RKITEUATKD PKO- 

FKSsio^s OF AN oLi> oxK, When I say that there is no one who cherishes a greater 
regard for the Union — who has a higher senfie of its inestimable benefits— who 

WiiULD MORE KAUNKSTLY LABOR FOR ITS KESTOKATIOX BY ALL MEANS WHICH WILL 

I'-FFEOT THAT EKii, than uiypelf. Th« Union is the guiirauty of the p'^ace, tlie 
power, the prosperity of this people ; and no man would deprecate more hear- 
tily, or oppose more persistently tliu establishment ol another government over 
any portion ot the territory over within its limit^.''' 

All talk about -'cherishing regard for the Union" — "'beuse of its benefits " 
— its being the •• guaranty of peace" &c., "deprecating" or "opposing the 
establishment of another government," &g., &c., amounts to just the same 
thing as the "adhering" and " unswer\ing fidelity" of the first plank of the 
Chicago platform and no more. 

The people are sick of empty professions. Thuy want to know what their 
candidates "will DO. They must have ■woeks, or at least the honest peomisi; 
of them. He says he professes his old faith. His record shows what that 
is— and that he is an extreme Calhoumite opposed to the war in Avord, act 
and vote. 

Thus, in Congress, January 18, 18G1, he said: "To-day, sir, four- States of 
the Union haAe, as fai- as their power extends, seceded from it. Four- States, 
as far as they are able, uxte anulled the geants of powee m-vde to the 
Fedekax Goveenment ; they have eesumed the powers delegated by the 
Constitution ; they have cancelled, as far as they could, every LrinTATioN 

UPON THE FULL EXERCISE OF ALL THEIR SOVEREIGN RIGHTS, they do UOt claim 

our protection ; they seek none of the advantages of the Confedeeaiion. On 



28 

the other hand, they renounce their allegiance ; they repudiate our authority 
over them, and they assert that they have assumed, some of them that they 

H.\VE RESUMED THEIB POSITION .OIOKG THE FAMILY OF SOX^EEEIOTIES AMONG THE 
NATIONS. 

' ' Sir, I deal in no harsh ejiithets ; I ■rtill denounce no State, no body of 
men. I will not pause to enquire whether they have done all this legally or 
\nsely or upon sufficient cause. THEY HAVE DONE IT, AND I RECOG- 
NIZE THE FACT." In conclusion, he says: " Seb, the whole scheme of 

COEKCION IS IMPEACIICABLE. It IS CONTRAKY TO THE GENIUS AND SPIEIT.' OF THE 

Constitution. 

Mr. Pendlelon says further, "My voice to-day is for concihation ; my voice 
is for compromise. I beg you, gentlemen, to hear that voice. If you will not. 
if you find conciliation impossible, if your differences are so great that you 
cannot or will not reconcile them,* then, gentlemen, let the seceding States 

DEPART IN PEACE, LET THEM ESTABLISH THEIR GOVERNMENT AND EMPIRE, AND 
M'ORK OCT THEIB DESTINY ACCORDING TO THE WISDOM WHICH GoD HAS Gn'EN THEM. " 

As late as Janaary, 1863, he advocated, in Cougres?, Vallandighatn's resolu- 
tions to amend the Constitution, by breakitjg up the Union into four set tione. A 
meet infamous proposal. I have no space to give bis record. He voted against 
all war measures or dodged tbf m. Not a man nor dollar hati he voted to put down 
the rebellion. His record has been published, nhowiug his hostility to the Na- 
tional Government. He has been brought to New York to cry " Union," and in 
m doing he says that hif< published record is a forgery, and his only proof is, that 
one of his votes is put down for July 7, 18G4, And Congress, he saya, adjourned 
on the 4th of July, 1864. It should be JanuaryJ, 1864.3 This misprint of 
July for January is all he can find to object to. What diflference does it make 
whether he voted against the Union in January or July ? He does not deny the 
fact ! Read that record and be sure the more such a man cries "Union," the 
more anxious he is to surrender the Union to rebels. He is for a Union on 
Disunion principles. 

lu the Haskin Letter be promises ■' to labor for tiie restoiation of the Union 

BY ALL MEANS THAT WHX EFFECT THAT KNO ! ! , 

Here is the cloven foot in plain sight. He means by this GoiiFUOMit^E. yLBMi"- 
sioN, not WAR ! He fells us " the whole scheme of coercion is iuPKAericABLE." It 
is 'CONTRARY TO THE GENIUS AND SPIRIT OF THE Constitution." And his constant 
voting in the bouje against raising money, men and mearss for the war shows 
that be is honest in his belief that the war !3 •' impracticable " and against the 
Co eiitution. 

'• War is disunion.'- according to his Caihoun theory, pure and simple. 

He is then to labor for '• the restoristioa of the Union," according to his old 
faith, hs has no new one ho is careful to tell uj«. 

What does that mean? Simply that he is to join McGlellan in '■ Exuausting 

THE RESOURCES OF STATESMAN.SUIP ," INHTKAU OF GOING ON WITH THE WAR. 



29 

T islcad of sayiug, that if elected, ho will go on with the w«r, or favor that 
course— a? he could do in one line — ho reforfl to biB damning record, and ueys 
the dece)tful uhraBe that he and all his Calhoun friends use to describe the " ceR- 
f-atioii of hofitilitiee," and -ubmisMon in u national convention, with a Southern 
Confederacy as the only alternative from our necessity if not choice. 

That he might thkhk " p«.'r.^i»tently oppose a Southern Confederacy — mat bb 
But after your head is in the lion's mouth, the more " persistently " you oppose 
his taking it off, the more certainly ho will do it. 

The last clause of his letter mniies lhi^: meaning cle.^rer. He eays : 

'•I am in favor of EXACxixy so coNnmoxs, ixaiHTTNO upon no tkrms sot PuiiHcrtiBEJP 
IN ruE CONSTITUTION ; and I am opposed to any oour.=e of policy which will dfftat 

the EE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GOVERNMENT UpOU itS OLD FOUNDATIONS, and in 

it,8 territorial integrity. I am, very truly, yours, Sr.c." 

He "is in favor of exacting no conditions, insisting upon no terms not 
prescribed in the constitution! I" 

Here he is plainly talking about the terms of the compromise^which'must 
be as the Chicago Platform prescribes in National Convention. 

The Constitution can peesceibe no terms nor conditions to a Gonstitu- 
TioNAi. Convention. Such conventions are called for the very purpose of ai.- 
TEEiNO the Constitution and doing away with it. The rebels would only 
come into it for that purpose, and for the purpcse of abrogating or changing 
the National Government. Again, according to his Calhoun theory, if the 
Constitution can't keep states from seceding, and we recognize that fact, by 
asking them into a convention — how can it limit sovereign states with 
"•^erms " or "conditions'?" The idea is ridiculous. The phrase " not pee- 
soRiBED IN THE CoNSTii'TiTiON " means just nothing, except as a blind. WTion 
he says he "is in favor of exacting no conditions, insisting upon no terms," 

he MEANS UNCONDITIONAL; SUBKENDEE TO THE EEBELS, thrOUgh the formS of ,l 

convention. That is all of it. The rebels will enter a convention for the 
very purpose of doing away with our present constitution and government. 
Theib Abms not our Constitution wmr. dictate what terms we shall gi-vK 
THEM— or rather they us I 

He is "opposed to any course of ijolicy which will defeat the re-establish- 
ment OF the goveenmi?-nt on its old foundations, and its territorial integ- 
rity." 

What does he mean by ijE-EST.tBLisHiNO the government on old founda- 
tions ? * 

You see the government is to be established again ! I supposed it was 
already established, and that the only question was whether it should stand 

OB NOT. 



30 

His "own familiar friend," Valliindigham, would mean by "old founda- 
tions, " the old Articles of Confederation, and it is not clear but that he does, 
too. K not that, he certainly means that he is opposed to everj-thing that 
•will prevent a " eestokation of the Union" upon the Sovereign State con- 
struction of the Constitution, with the Southern Aristocrats in full control of 
what National Government thej-^ choose to leave us. It is by such concessions 
that he promises us the mockery of " Teeritoeiai, Integkitt." If he spoke 
truly he would rather say the Extension of the Southern Confederacy over 
the North ! That is what it amounts to ! 

Tbu? ends his letter. It is just as exp'essive as his silenc^', but not as 
honest. 

If he differs in meaning from the Chicago tlatform why does he not say so? 
He wds present when it was made — he approved it before the people — and he 
does the same by this letter. 

There are 



BUT TWO COtmSES I5EFOKE THE CO^JNTBY : 

ErrHEK to go on and subdue the rebels by war, lea\'ing it to the loyal people 
of the Southern States to send members to Congress and eeorganize their 

States : 

Ok, to give up beat — ask the Rebel States into a convention to ke-okgan- 
izE the National Government, and to pray them to grant us ' ' tebeitobial 
integrity " and some sort_of a Union on " old foundations, " — x^ith no heli- 
fob it ef they won't ! 

McCIellan and Pendleton by their party pl-itform and equai^ly by their 
letters and record are pledged to the latter course. 

I complain that they deceive the people about it. One plain honest sen- 
tence could make it known if they were for the war. That word WAE upon 
which the fate of our country hangs is carefully avoided in all their plat- 
forms and letters. The only war they propose is against their own govern- 
ment in the thii-d and fourth Resolutions of their platform. 

Our Saviour said : 

' ' Let your communication be yea, yea ; nay, nay ; for whatsoever is moke 
thioi these cosieth of e-vil." By this rule nothing could be more sm-ely " or 
evil " than the " communications " of these candidates. 

Their art of letter writing is worthy of Macbeth's witches. They palaver 
about "Union" — "Constitution" and "Government" — and at last even 
' ' Territorial Integrity ! " But we find they mean by those words things 
that the loyal people of the nation would not accept for a moment if they un- 
derstood them. 



•61 



• ' Bg these juggiiiig fieiida no more believed ! 
Tliat palter vsrith us in a double sense ; 
Tliat keep the word of i^roniise to cm- ear, 
But break it to our hope!' 

Tina, the corrupt auibititm of Mac^beth said too latk. Miiy the pure ripii'.n 
OF American Liberty siiv it in time, and thus escape not only the violence of 
war — but the geeatee dangee ov deception and tkeacheey at home. 

1 do not ask you lo vott; for iin'ii or party, as i^acb. This ie not a party con- 
test — or, rather, the Uuioij pni ty is now the o.\ly fupport of the great pil!-u-8 of 
ih« Union. Every other clfCtioD tias be^a IriTial, compared with this. The 
choice is to he made by -ach one n( us. v.h-ih^T we wish lliftl if^ Nstiou— ibe 
Groat Republic— .shall live.. or die. 

" Choose -well ! Your choice 
Is BRIEF, yet EK-PLESS !' 



Y..U ch. 



ia a d;\y, ibe fate, of youi couuti y f'<..r rvti 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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Hollinger 

pH8.5 

Mill Run F3-1955 



